A timely talk about the power of nonviolent movements, in light of the Occupy Movement. Rose Whitcomb-Detmold is a young student in the Introduction to Peace Studies class at Greenfield Community College. Her insights are remarkable.
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On October 7th, Senior Advisor of the International Center for Nonviolent Conflict (ICNC) Hardy Merriman came to GCC to talk about nonviolent action. This topic is always relevant, but particularly resonates today in the face of movements such as the Arab Spring and Occupy Wall Street. Merriman’s presentation focused on the nonviolent movements throughout history that have been successful and the characteristics they share that contribute to success.
Traditionally, groups that wish to change society have been given four options: change through elections and legal systems, negotiation, intervention by a third party, and insurrectionary violence. However, time and time again these methods have failed the oppressed. In dictatorial regimes especially, legal recourse is not effective because it is not imbued with any real power. When elections are held at all, they are often subject to fraud. Dictators have no incentive to negotiate and make compromises and no need to enforce any compromise that may be established. Third party intervention brings up the issue of finding an outside state willing and able to intervene. It also raises the question of sovereignty. When a third party steps in to free a people from an oppressive regime, it creates an opportunity for that third party to exploit and oppress the people in different ways, all in the name of “liberation.” Finally, insurrections have a paltry 26% success rate over the last 100 years and cause devastation and bloodshed whether they’re successful or not.
Nonviolent action is an alternative to these traditional methods. It is a means for ordinary people to fight for rights, justice, and freedom. Many movements in a variety of contexts have employed nonviolence, from labor disputes, to the struggle for gender equality, to the fight for freedom from a colonial power. In the last 100 years, it has been successful in 53% of cases. This rate is only growing. Nonviolent action is not institutional; it is meant to reduce reliance on mainstream establishments. Merriman also made the point that nonviolent action is not conflict resolution, which inherently requires some cooperation with the oppressor in order to reach a mutually beneficial resolution.
Gene Sharp, author of Waging Nonviolent Struggle: 20th Century Practice and 21st Century Potential, originated some of Merriman’s main points. Sharp categorizes nonviolent action in three ways: acts of commission, acts of omission, or a combination of the two. An act of commission is the act of doing something one is not supposed to do, such as the occupation of Zuccotti Park in New York by protestors. An act of omission is the opposite – not doing something one is supposed to do. Refusing to pay taxes that support the military is an act of omission.
All of this adds up to a power shift. When power is viewed as a quality that is inherent in a ruler, it is very difficult for a people who are oppressed to imagine a way out of that oppression. Sharp calls this model of power monolithic. In reality, political power derives from the subjects of a state. The power of the elite therefore depends on the consent of the subjects and because of this, is fragile and changeable. As Kenneth Boulding writes in his essay, National Images and International Systems, “…the tacit support of the mass…is of vital importance to the powerful…the image of the powerful cannot diverge too greatly from the image of the mass without the powerful losing power.” When people recognize that they are the source of that power, they can choose to withhold it. For example, when the British imposed the salt tax on India, Gandhi led a march to the Arabian Sea and took a handful of salt from the water, declaring as he did, “With this, I am shaking the foundations of the British Empire.” Gandhi’s civil disobedience showed that the salt tax had no power over the people if they did not give their consent.
Merriman went on to outline the “Three Principles of Successful Nonviolent Movements.” The first component that is essential to a movement’s success is unity. It doesn’t matter how many thousands of people are behind an action, without solidarity they have nothing. Gathering support means finding ways for people to get involved on many different levels. Not every person can leave families or jobs to go get arrested for civil disobedience.
The movement must be united around common values. “Values-based propositions” are very effective because they speak to people on an emotional level. People get invested when they feel that a wrong is being done against them.
This leads to the second branch of an effective nonviolent movement – strategic planning. In Merriman’s words, a strategy for civil resistance must include “analysis of self, opponent, environment, and third parties.” There must be organizational structures in place, development of campaigns, and choices must be made and executed from a tactical standpoint. Iranian opponents of the ban on women attending men’s soccer games chose to organize at the 2006 World Cup – a match attended by many international media – so as to garner the most attention possible.
At the campaign level, successful movements find those overreaches of power that impact everyone and use them to bring people together. Movements have the potential to unify a great number of people if those people can focus their collective anger on something tangible. This is where the Occupy Wall Street movement has received criticism. It has been called vague and lacking in specific goals. The success of the Occupy movement may depend largely on its ability to articulate demands and execute careful strategy.
Finally, a nonviolent movement cannot be considered a success if it does not remain nonviolent. This requires immense discipline on the part of the demonstrators. People cannot retaliate, even in the face of police brutality or government-sanctioned suppression. A small group acting out in violence can delegitimize a peaceful protest, not to mention give the authorities an excuse to use greater force against everyone involved in the action. This sort of discipline requires advance training and assessment of risk. Again, organization is pivotal.
Nonviolent action has not been widely recognized as a viable option for effecting change. The elite have a vested interest in relegating civil disobedience to the realm of dramatic extremists and loopy hippies. The media have also in large part ignored successful nonviolent movements.
In fact, as Merriman pointed out, nonviolence has had a great deal of success in recent years, from the overthrow of Slobodan Milosevic in Serbia, to the Cedar Revolution in Lebanon, to the ousting of Hosni Mubarak in Egypt just last year. Merriman’s list included almost 20 cases in the last decade alone.
It is inspiring to learn that nonviolent action does in fact have solid, documented success. It’s not just a vague dream we can only hope to one day achieve, it has been put into practice against oppression in many forms and come out victorious.
In the case of the United States, where we are fighting not to overthrow a dictator but to overhaul a corrupt political machine, is nonviolent action enough? In a democratic society like ours, isn’t it necessary to work within the system in order to bring about real change? Occupy Wall Street protestors declare, “End the war, tax the rich!” but to do those things, don’t our elected officials have to write and pass the legislation? Nonviolent action is the essential first step, but it’s not the be-all and end-all here. America first needs to experience a fundamental paradigm shift, the beginning of which I think we are seeing now, and then we need to vote into office some inspired individuals who actually represent the will of the people. Certainly, the root of the problem is social injustice. Without equality, there cannot be real peace. Merriman’s work in the study and promotion of nonviolent struggle directly contributes to a foundation of positive peace.